As I have said before, the two principles on which the Cripps mission came together, namely the agreement and a period of Dominion status with total freedom of choice, seem to be fulfilled, as I can see in the copy of the White Paper which is now in the polling station and which I received with the kind permission of the Prime Minister an hour ago. This was indicated in a Corfield note entitled “Paramountcy and the Interim Period”, originally established in December 1946, but which was included in the works from late April 1947 to R/3/1/136. The delicacy of the problem of combining a certain maintenance of arrogance to the transfer of power with a certain “withdrawal” of arrogance has not been illustrated to allow States to fend for themselves, more clearly than on the painful issue of “lifting restrictions on The Nizam of Hyderabad” (title of the interesting act, R 1/29/3176). Nizam had been obliged to appoint a British officer for the key position of the member of the Revenue and Police of its Executive Council. This officer should retire. In a statement issued in early February, Creagh Coen said that lifting the restriction would be inconsistent with the decision to maintain restrictions, “unless internal constitutional developments [in Hyderabad] implying a genuine decentralization of power justify such easing.” Corfield overtook him and was supported by Wavell, who wrote: “We cannot influence events or maintain restrictions in Hyderabad any longer. I don`t see much that can be won by the delay. As a result, on March 5, 1947, Corfield went to Nizam to pass on the decision. In doing so, however, he added that “trust on all sides” would help Nizam to consult closely with the resident; In any case, this would be advisable in the nizam`s own interest, because if it did not do so and if “it needed help to manage the inner disorder”, then “the justification should be very strong”! Corfield added, “H. E. H. appreciated this point.” This last week of British rule in India was the most turbulent of all time. We have worked longer and in more difficult conditions, with crises of different orders that occur every day and sometimes two or three times a day. Most of the time, the problem of states has continued to arise, especially leaders who have changed their minds until the last moment, whether they are joining India, Pakistan or not Pakistan or the other.
I paid my farewell visit to Karachi and witnessed some incredible scenes on the day of the handover of power in Delhi. The theme that caused the most serious and serious crisis to date was the awards awarded by the Border Commissions, a summary of which is listed in Appendix I. India`s early years of freedom were tormented by the tragic legacy of division. Refugee resettlement, economic disruption and insufficient resources for virtually all needs, persistent municipal conflicts (more than 10% of the Indian population remained Muslim) and, in the months following independence, the outbreak of an undeclared war with Pakistan in Kashmir were just some of the greatest difficulties faced by the newborn. Lord Mountbatten stayed in New Delhi to serve India`s first new governor general, mostly ceremonial work, while Nehru was the first prime minister to lead the free Indian government and led a congressional cabinet whose second most powerful figure was Patel. On February 20, 1947, Her Majesty`s Government announced its intention to transfer power to British India until June 1948. Her Majesty`s Government had hoped that the major parties would be able to participate in the development of the Cabinet Mission Plan of May 16, 1946, and to develop a constitution acceptable to All parties involved for India. That hope did not come true.